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the Battle of Jutland.
The
fleet of the British Navy had been designed
to contest a huge, decisive battle, with the enemy. After the outbreak
of the First World War, attempts were made to
draw the smaller German Navy into the North Sea for a major battle.
Admiral Hugo von Pohl, the commander of the German High Seas Fleet,
resisted these temptations, but in February 1916, he was replaced by
the much more aggressive, Admiral Reinhardt von Scheer.
In May 1916 Scheer decided that he would take on the might of the British
Navy. As a bait, Scheer ordered Admiral Franz von Hipper and 40
ships to begin a sweep along the Danish coast. When he heard the news,
Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, who was at
Rosyth, gave instructions for the Grand Fleet to put to sea.
With the absence of reconnaissance aircraft, both Jellicoe and Scheer
sent out scouting cruisers to locate the position of the enemy. The
two sets of scouting cruisers made contact and after a brief gunfire
exchange, returned to guide their fleets to battle.
Meanwhile, Admiral Sir David Beatty, and
52 ships had left Scarpa Flow in the Orkneys and were on the way to
join Admiral Jellicoe and the Grand Fleet. At 15.45, Beatty came into
contact with Admiral Franz von Hipper and his 40 ships. The two fleets
opened fire at a range of 15 kilometres. The hazy visibility created
problems for both sides but the position of the sun gave a significant
advantage to the German captains.
/FWWjutlandM.JPG)
Illustration
from Neil Demarco's The Great War
After
receiving five hits from the German battlecruiser, Von
Der Tann, the British battlecruiser, Indefatigable,
sunk at 16.03 after a magazine explosion. More than 1,000 sailors on
the Indefatigable were killed as
a result of the blast. At 16.25 Queen Mary also exploded and
went down in only 90 seconds. Two destroyers on both sides were also
sunk during this period.
The situation of Beatty's ships became more difficult with the arrival
of Admiral Reinhardt von Scheer and the German High Seas Fleet. Sir
John Jellicoe, aboard Iron Duke,
and the rest of the Grand Fleet, were 20km northwest of Sir
David Beatty when the initial battle started. Jellicoe's battlecruiser
squadrons headed quickly towards Beatty's fleet but she before they
arrived, Invincible became the third
of Britain's battleships to explode after a German shell penetrated
a turret at 18.33.
The
Grand Fleet opened fire immediately it arrived. Scheer, recognizing
his dangerous position, ordered his ships to turn north. Jellicoe, fearing
that Scheer was trying to lead the Grand Fleet into a submarine trap
or minefield, ordered his ships not to follow. Instead he headed southeast
and then south, hoping to intercept Scheer's homeward journey. At 19.10
the two fleets made contact again. Admiral Reinhardt von Scheer ordered
Admiral Hipper's battleships to charge the Grand Fleet, while ordering
the rest of his ships to turn away from the fighting. After 20 minutes
of firing, Admiral Hipper also headed home.
Again, unwilling to follow the same route as the German ships, Sir
John Jellicoe headed south-west and managed to intercept Hipper
at 20.15. Lutzow was sunk and Seydlitz
and Derfflinger were badly damaged
before the British decided once again not to follow the retreating German
ships.
Admiral Reinhardt von Scheer and the German Navy immediately claimed
victory based on the number of ships destroyed. Whereas the British
Navy lost 3 battlecruisers,
3 cruisers and 8 destroyers
(6,100 casualties); the German Navy lost 1 battleship, 1 battlecruiser,
4 light cruisers and 3 destroyers (2,550 casualties).
Admiral Sir John Jellicoe was criticised
for being over-cautious, but he argued that it was vitally important
to protect the size of his Grand Fleet. Whereas Jellicoe was able to
inform the British government on 2nd June that the Grand Fleet was ready
for further action, the German High Seas Fleet had to be reconstructed
and was never in the position to risk another major North Sea confrontation.
Jellicoe was therefore able to claim that his tactics were justified
by the battle's long-term effects.
British
Ships
at Jutland |
Number
of
times hit |
Date
repairs
completed |
| Battleships |
| Barham |
6 |
4th
July |
| Malaya |
8 |
24th
June |
| Warspite |
13 |
20th
July |
| Marlborough |
3 |
2nd
August |
| Battlecruisers |
| Lion |
12 |
19th
July |
| Tiger |
21 |
2nd
July |
| Princess
Royal |
9 |
15th
July |
| Queen
Mary |
5 |
sunk |
| Indefatigable |
5 |
sunk |
| Armoured
Cruisers |
| Warrior |
21 |
sunk |
| Defence |
10 |
sunk |
| Black
Prince |
21 |
sunk |
| Light
Cruisers |
| Chester |
17 |
25th
July |
| Canterbury |
1 |
25th
July |
| Dublin |
8 |
17th
June |
| Southampton |
18 |
20th
June |
| Castor |
10 |
20th
June |
| Broke |
9 |
31st
August |
| Tipperary |
5 |
sunk |
| Black
Prince |
several |
sunk |
| Destroyers |
| Ardent |
several |
sunk |
| Acesta |
3 |
2nd
August |
| Turbulent |
several |
sunk |
| Nestor |
several |
sunk |
| Defender |
several |
23rd
June |
| Moorsom |
1 |
17th
June |
| Fortune |
several |
sunk |
| Onslaught |
1 |
23rd
June |
| Onslow |
5 |
8th
August |
| Shark |
several |
sunk |
| Petard |
6 |
27th
June |
| Porpoise |
2 |
23rd
June |
| Noble |
1 |
sunk |
| Spitfire |
2 |
31st
July |
| Sparrowhawk |
several |
sunk |
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Debates
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Military
Commanders and the First World War
Battle
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Battle
of Jutland
(1)
Ernest Francis was on the battle cruiser Queen Mary when it sunk
during the Battle of Jutland.
I put my head through the hole in the roof of the turret and nearly
fell through again. The after 4-inch battery was smashed out of all
recognition, and then I noticed that the ship had got an awful list
to port. I dropped back again into the turret and told Lieutenant Ewert
the state of affairs. He said, "Francis, we can do no more than
give them a chance, clear the turret."
"Clear
the turret," I said, and out they went. PO Stares was the last
I saw coming up from the Working Chamber, and I asked him whether he
had passed the order to the Magazine and Shell Room, and he told me
it was no use as the water was right up to the trunk leading to the
shell room, so the bottom of the ship must have been torn out of her.
Then I said, "Why didn't you come up?" He simply said, "There
was no order to leave the turret."
I went through the Cabinet and out on top and Lieutenant Ewert was following
me; suddenly he stopped and went back into the turret. I believe he
went back because he thought someone was inside.
I was halfway down the ladder at the back of the turret when Lieutenant
Ewert went back. The ship had an awful list to port by this time, so
much so that men getting off the ladder went sliding down to port. I
got to the bottom rung of the ladder and could not, by my own efforts,
reach the stanchions lying on the deck from the ship's side, starboard
side. I knew if I let go I should go sliding down to port like some
of the others must have done, and probably get smashed up sliding down.
Two of my turret's crew, seeing my difficulty, came to my assistance.
They were AB Long, Turret Trainer, and AB Lane, left gun No 4. Lane
held Long at full length from the ship's side and I dropped from the
ladder, caught Long's legs and so gained the starboard side. These two
men had no thought for their own safety; they knew I wanted assistance
and that was good enough for them. They were both worth a VC twice over.
When I got to the ship's side, there seemed to be quite a fair crowd,
and they didn't appear to be very anxious to take to the water. I called
out to them, "Come on you chaps, who's coming for a swim?"
Someone answered, "She will float for a long time yet," but
something, I don't pretend to know what it was, seemed to be urging
me to get away, so I clambered over the slimy bilge keel and fell off
into the water, followed I should think by about five more men. I struck
away from the ship as hard as I could and must have covered nearly fifty
yards when there was a big smash, and stopping and looking round, the
air seemed to be full of fragments and flying pieces.
A large piece seemed to be right above my head, and acting on impulse,
I dipped under to avoid being struck, and stayed under as long as I
could, and then came to the top again, and coming behind me I heard
a rush of water, which looked very like surf breaking on a beach and
I realized it was the suction or backwash from the ship which had just
gone. I hardly had time to fill my lungs with air when it was on me.
I felt it was no use struggling against it, so I let myself go for a
moment or two, then I struck out, but I felt it was a losing game and
remarked to myself, "What's the use of you struggling, you're done,"
and I actually ceased my efforts to reach the top, when a small voice
seemed to say, "Dig out."
I started afresh, and something bumped against me. I grasped it and
afterwards found it was a large hammock, but I felt I was getting very
weak and roused myself sufficiently to look around for something more
substantial to support me. Floating right in front of me was what I
believe to be the centre bulk of our Pattern 4 target. I managed to
push myself on the hammock close to the timber and grasped a piece of
rope hanging over the side. My next difficulty was to get on top and
with a small amount of exertion I kept on. I managed to reeve my arms
through a strop and I must have become unconscious.
When I came to my senses again I was halfway off the spar but I managed
to get back again. I was very sick and seemed to be full of oil fuel.
My eyes were blocked up completely with it and I could not see. I suppose
the oil had got a bit crusted and dry. I managed by turning back the
sleeve of my jersey, which was thick with oil, to expose a part of the
sleeve of my flannel, and thus managed to get the thick oil off my face
and eyes, which were aching awfully. Then I looked and I believed I
was the only one left of that fine Ship's Company. What had really happened
was the Laurel had come and picked up the remainder and not seeing me
got away out of the zone of fire, so how long I was in the water I do
not know. I was miserably cold, but not without hope of being picked
up, as it seemed to me that I had only to keep quiet and a ship would
come for me.
After what seemed ages to me, some destroyers came racing along, and
I got up on the spar, steadied myself for the moment, and waved my arms.
The Petard, one of our big destroyers, saw me and came over,
but when I got on the spar to wave to them, the swell rolled the spar
over and I rolled off. I was nearly exhausted again getting back. The
destroyer came up and a line was thrown to me, which, needless to say,
I grabbed hold of for all I was worth, and was quickly hauled up on
to the deck of the destroyer.
(2)
Charles Repington had a meeting with
Winston Churchill on 3rd June 1916. He
recorded his thoughts on the meeting in his diary.
Winston was full of the naval-fight off Jutland. He had been asked to
issue the semi-official communique which appeared in Sunday's papers,
June 4, and was not quite sure whether he had done right or not. Balfour's
private secretary had made the demand, whereupon Winston had consulted
Lloyd George and Rufus Isaacs, who said that he could not refuse, so
he returned to the Admiralty, and said he would draft something if Balfour
personally asked for it. This Balfour did.
Winston thinks that the success of the German Battle Cruiser Squadron
against our superior squadron of similar type is a very serious matter
and requires investigation. I agreed, but we are evidently very badly
informed of all these events as yet, and cannot draw conclusions.
(3)
In his account of the First World War, The
Grand Fleet 1914-1916, John Jellicoe
wrote about the Battle of Jutland.
But a victory is judged not merely by material losses and damage, but
by its results. It is profitable to examine the results of the Jutland
Battle. With the single exception of a cruise towards the English coast
on August 19th, 1916 - undertaken, no doubt, by such part of the High
Sea Fleet as had been repaired in order to show that it was still capable
of going to sea - the High Sea Fleet never again, up to the end of 1917,
- ventured much outside the 'Heligoland triangle', and even on August
19th, 1916, the much reduced Fleet made precipitately for home as soon
as it was warned by its Zeppelin scouts of the approach of the Grand
Fleet. This is hardly the method of procedure that would be adopted
by a Fleet flushed with victory and belonging to a country which was
being strangled by the sea blockade.
(4)
General Paul
von Hindenburg, Out of My Life (1934)
On the other hand, in view of England's economic situation, the Imperial
Admiralty promises us that by the ruthless employment of an increased
number of U-boats we shall obtain a speedy victory, which will compel
our principal enemy, England, to turn to thoughts of peace in a few
months. For that reason, the German General Staff is bound to adopt
unrestricted U-boat warfare as one of its war measures, because among
other things it will relieve the situation on the Somme front by diminishing
the imports of munitions and bring the futility of the Entente's efforts
at this point plainly before their eyes. Finally, we could not remain
idle spectators while England, realising all the difficulties with which
she has to contend, makes the fullest possible use of neutral Powers
in order to improve her military and economic situation to our disadvantage.